The honeymoon between the MKO terrorist group and Albania is coming to an end, and Tirana is advancing its criminal investigations into the group's actions amid the MKO's intensified illegal and hostile behavior.
According to Habilian, citing Mizan News Agency, the Albanian media Gazeta Impakt, in a report titled "Pandora's Box: The MKO's Hostile Transformation Against Albania," wrote that Albania's hosting of the MKO has now turned into a full-blown nightmare for Tirana. The report states:
The MKO terrorist group has become so aggressive and hostile that it has effectively spiraled out of control even in Tirana; Albanian authorities have asked their Western allies for help in countering this trend while investigating the group's crimes.
At the same time, speculation is emerging that even senior MKO leaders, including Maryam Rajavi, could face criminal charges and long-term prison sentences due to uncovered evidence of cyberattacks originating from Camp Ashraf 3.
Ashraf-3 is now a time bomb on Albanian soil. The report writes that Western and Albanian analysts now bluntly say: The MEK has slipped from Albania's control and has become an autonomous terrorist zone threatening regional security. One analyst points out that Albania has reached a strategic stalemate in dealing with the MEK, and while a complete collapse of the MEK is impossible, Tirana is still strenuously trying to minimize its consequences.
An exposé by the French newspaper Le Canard enchaîné about the MKO's double standards revealed the group's bizarre hypocrisy. From the outside, Ashraf 3 might look like a refugee camp, but in reality, it is a small town separate from Albanian society. In other words, the MKO has built an Orwellian fortress in Albania, whose main purpose is to foster anti-Iranian propaganda and cyber warfare operations.
A turning point in Albania-MKO relations occurred two years ago when Albanian police raided the group's camp in 2023. Albanian police have since quietly begun investigations into the MKO. State prosecutors accused some MKO members of secretly carrying out cyberattacks and political activities in clear violation of the initial agreement with the Albanian government.
According to the law, the MKO terrorist group was obliged to refrain from any overt political or military action after their relocation (2013-2016). Suspicions grew that they had broken this promise. After months of online monitoring, especially of Telegram channels, Albania became convinced that a "troll farm" existed at the Manzë location of Camp Ashraf 3.
Albania, which had blocked hundreds of Facebook accounts linked to MKO elements by April 2021, decided in June 2023 to take stricter measures, dispatching a special police unit by order of the Special Court to search the Manzë camp.
Albanian prosecutors said an inventory of hundreds of seized equipment items was conducted. The Special Prosecutor's Office (SPAK) officially announced investigations against MKO members for incitement to war, illegal interception of computer data, interference in computer systems, and related crimes. In short, a criminal case of unprecedented importance is underway, built on evidence discovered within Ashraf-3 itself.
Behind closed doors at the Prosecutor's Office, some Albanian officials explicitly say: Protecting the MEK in Albania has been a deception. Although international partners protect them from expulsion, the MEK's continued actions as a rogue militant group could lead to punishment.
Tirana has openly hinted at next steps. Interior Ministry officials told reporters they are reviewing each residence permit on a case-by-case basis, indicating that visas or humanitarian statuses could be revoked. Behind closed doors, SPAK investigators and foreign cybercrime teams are systematically examining the camp's data.
An Albanian prosecutor told Balkan Insight: "We are at an advanced stage of in-depth investigation, especially the expert analysis of hundreds of seized devices. International partners are also participating in these investigations."
In other words, Albania has formally asked its NATO and EU allies for help. Critics point to the contrast with Albania's passive handling of the camp's past. In the years after their arrival, the MEK lived largely with minimal Albanian interference, even holding international conferences and inviting Western officials. But now, with the emergence of evidence of illegal activities, Tirana is on high alert. Roads leading to the camp are blocked by checkpoints, and technology agencies and police constantly monitor the network environment.
All this turmoil has revealed a bitter truth: Albania miscalculated. Experts say the government was always aware of the political risk of hosting Rajavi but lacked the capacity to deal with it. As Endri Tafani, an international affairs analyst, specifically pointed out, Albania has essentially lost control of this community, and the area occupied by the MKO in Manzë is practically outside Albanian sovereignty.
Another analyst concluded that it is a strategic stalemate. Albania has found that it has lost control over the MKO, but if it tries to expel or disband them, the entire group collapses—a prospect the West says it cannot tolerate. Albania finds itself trapped: unable to expel a militant group, but lacking the necessary equipment to control it effectively.
By all accounts, Albania has become a dependent accomplice to the MKO. Diplomats state that after the Albanian police action in 2023, Western attention to Ashraf 3 intensified sharply. Brussels and Washington are now asking serious questions about what is happening inside Ashraf 3.
If Albanian prosecutors find solid evidence of the MEK's crimes, they appear ready to indict anyone responsible.
Albania's dilemma is more than a local scandal: it represents a dangerous double standard in Western policy. The EU has repeatedly praised Tirana for hosting the MEK and even removed the group from its terrorist list. Western politicians, even from NATO member countries, have taken photos with MKO leaders and attended their rallies. Financial regulatory bodies have turned a blind eye to the MEK's suspicious fundraising. It has now become clear that these actions constituted serious efforts to support a dangerous terrorist group.
In reality, the MKO's presence on European soil has caused more problems than anticipated. One fact is clear: no other country besides Albania, which aspires to EU membership, would tolerate a terrorist group promoting war from within its borders.
Now, after years of Western appeasement, Prague and Washington are reminding Tirana: this alliance comes at a cost. Recently, NATO cyber experts arrived in Tirana, pledging technical assistance to resist cyberattacks and strengthen Albania's defenses. The US and EU have provided forensic support in the Ashraf 3 case. Even the UN has quietly stated that no signatory to the refugee conventions can allow Ashraf-3 to become a terrorist base.
The best Albania can do is process the evidence. Legally, the case is strong, and charges of incitement to war and cyberterrorism carry heavy penalties under Albanian law.
For now, the MKO remains on Albanian soil, and Albania finds itself sinking deeper into the Ashraf-3 quagmire.