| The next question is why did the Social Sector undertake to answer the questions related to the acts connected with the period before June 20th,l98l? The answer may be given in one sentence. As the truth and falsehood of every act in a society becomes clear from the reaction |
The social sector, disseminator and executor of the lines
The next question is why did the Social Sector undertake to answer the questions related to the acts connected with the period before June 20th,l98l? The answer may be given in one sentence. As the truth and falsehood of every act in a society becomes clear from the reaction it encourages in that same society, therefore we will select the Social Sector from among the various sectors of the hypocrites' Organization and will consider their acts in order to reach the conclusion we spoke -of. But a brief explanation of the Social Section itself must be given:
After the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the hypocrites' Organization was faced with two main problems in its activities and its promotion of evil concoctions and ideas. The first problem was how to introduce and establish itself and the other was how to attract and train forces. The Social Sector was created for the two above needs. This sector began its work by cooperating with the students' workers' employees' districts' and medical aid sectors' those which were subsidiary.
Those who had turned to the Organization 'from various classes (students, labourers etc), and those working with it, were organized in groups called a 'society', which served as channels for attracting forces and expanding the Organization. The tasks of these individuals, such as propaganda, etc. were in fact aimed at introducing and establishing the Organization.
Considering the introductory points, our objective in this part will be as follows:
From among the various organs of the Social Section, we will limit our survey to the two students' and workers' organs in Tehran and then we will briefly survey the acts of these two in the provinces. We will then give our summary and conclusion about this phase and especially that of June2Qth, 1981.
Firstly, let's deal with the Workers' Sector, which discussion can be divided thus:
1. The formation and fabric of the Workers' Sector and the hypocrites' standing among the workers and the oppressed.
2. A survey of the activities of this sector in factories, workshops and among workers.
3. A brief conclusion about the acts of this sector and its fate.
The first part will be explained by Sister Maryam Mirzai and the next part by our brother Farhad Nayeri. Now I ask our sister to begin her talk.
Formation and fabric of the workers’ sector
Maryam Mirzai:
Praise be to Imam Mahdi and Imam of the Ummah and blessing to all the warriors and martyrs of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this part, I will briefly describe the fabric of the Workers' Sector and the extent of the hypocrites' influence amongst the deprived and oppressed masses, as well as their methods of propaganda and conversion in factories. The Workers' Sector, like other sectors, began its work, based totally on falsehood, accusations, seemingly attractive slogans, the best example of which could be seen in the manner of its creation.
At the beginning of the Revolution, the hypocrites sent their members from public and private centers to factories in order to win over the workers (at that time there was no strict control in the factories and it was possible for everyone to enter them). They made use of the total lack of supervision in the factories to visit them. To attain their aims, these members used propaganda, speeches, slogans and conversations to influence the working forces. Among those visitors, were Ibrahim Zakeri, Mah Namah, Azra Alavi Taleghani and Karimpour. There were also others but it is enough to mention the above persons. They visited the Blair shoe factories of Moghaddam and Azmayesh and they even placed a ballot box in the Azmayesh factory for voters and had elected a council, which was, in fact, an appointed council.
The point to be noted is that these individuals visited the factories incognito so as not to reveal their real identity. From the very beginning, they created discord in the factories though it did not take the workers long to discover their identity and they were eventually thrown out.
Thus they were compelled to withdraw members from the factories. The explanation that the central members including Mehdi Abrishamchi and Mehdi Bara'iof the Central Council gave was that they could no longer visit the factories since the workers expelled them as they could not tolerate them. They claimed that during that period, they had converted 1.5% of the factory workers and they could create from these workers, an enlightened nucleus to carryon their tasks. This is what actually happened later and these enlightened nuclei took charge of the above tasks of this section.
Another point is that this sector began its work under the name of the 'Workers' Movement' and they had even requested the workers not to declare themselves, members of the Organization. They further told those willing to sell the publication, 'The Arm of Revolution' to feign independence from any organization or group if they were questioned. It was thus that the hypocrites tried to I' infiltrate and establish themselves among the workers.
In order to define the structure of the Organization and its membership, we have prepared statistics revealing both these matters. 80 to 85% of those who comprised this Organization were students, directors, school heads and high authorities, and only a small percentage were workers. Now, I will mention a few examples to show who were the actual supporters of the hypocrites in the factories:
-A departmental manager, drawing a salary of 12,000 tomans, a member of the Workers' Sector.
-Purchase manager, drawing a salary of 8 to 9,000 tomans, a member of the Workers' Sector.
-Personnel head and a responsible of the factory's council.
-Departmental manager and a responsible of the factory's council.
-Factory head and a responsible of the Niru Council.
-Personnel head and a responsible of the Niru Council.
-Accounting head and a responsible of the Niru Council.
There were also foremen who headed the teams. (Of course, these Niru and factory councils, were the organs of the hypocrites' Organization and not the councils belonging to the workers and the factory).
These people comprised the hypocrites in the factories. Now let us see who were the members of the labor organ and those having a higher rank among the hypocrites.
Hamid Jalalzadeh, a graduate; Mehdi Katira'i, undergraduate; Nahid Jalalzadeh, undergraduate, (wife of spy Sa'adati, a liaison between the hypocrites and Soviet Russia); Majid Farzanesa, undergraduate; Hassan Rahimi, undergraduate.
Similarly, the rest of the members and even we ourselves who worked in the Workers' Sector were students who had been transferred to this sector. Those who know these people are aware that all of them were long-time members of the Organization, who had either been in prison or had been trained to influence students, and were therefore not familiar with workers' and labor problems.
Now we come to one of the elements in the central cadre of the Organization, namely, Abbas Davari, about whom the Organization had been making a lot of noise, claiming that their Organization was the only one where a worker could attain such a position.
I must of course say that he has been a tailor for a while. He is actually an undergraduate of Tabriz University and here is his identity card, document no. 1, proving him to be so. But this point was however never divulged by the hypocrites, whereas some people believe him to have been a worker who had worked very hard to attain such a position in the central cadre of the hypocrites' Organization. Thus, such deceptive propaganda had a great influence in winning over individuals. Of course, there were many who were hardly affected. But anyhow, such deceptions were used to convert workers.
The truth was that since the hypocrites always claimed themselves to be defenders of the oppressed and working people, to fill the gap, they set up an organ in the name of the workers, though in practice, it was not a worker's organ. Thus, through this organ, they tried to show themselves at least as supporters of the workers. This duplicity could be seen at the highest and lowest levels.
Again, we have further statistics concerning this sector, which give us a clear picture of the hypocrites' standing in the factories. This information has been gathered from their own documents in the handwriting of individuals like Hamid Jalalzadeh, member of the Central Council of the hypocrites, in the Workers' Sector and Mehdi Katira'i, member of the Central Council, as well as people like Hassan Rahimi, from the central organ. These documents have been presented to the office of the Prosecutor General through the Comiteh brothers. According to them, 700-750 men formed the whole sector and among them, there were 250-300 workers. This means that they could secure only this number through all their propaganda. This figure reveals the extent of the hypocrites' standing among 4-5 million workers despite all their claims about defending the oppressed and the workers. Even if we consider this generously, we can say that out of every 10,000 only 2 workers were won over by the hypocrites, while their own documents seized in Tehran show this conversion to be three workers in every thousand.
These documents are in the handwriting of Mehdi Katira'i and this one is in Hassan Rahimi's. It states: آ«Out of the 90,000 subjected to our propaganda, only 250 to 300 were converted by us.)) Let us remember that this figure is related to the time when 1.5% of the people showed a positive inclination towards the Organization. However, when eventually their true nature was made known, and the workers found out more about them, they dissociated from them. So one wonders what happened to that 1.5% and what is meant by 3 in a thousand?
Again we refer to other documents in their own handwritings to see to what extent were they able to win over people by their propaganda. (Document no. 3) It is written here that out of 14,000 people subjected to propaganda in the Transport Company of Vahed, they won over only 7 persons and 10 to 12 persons in the power industry out of a 20,000 personnel, 10 in the oil industry considering its numerous workers, and 5 in military industries out of 13000. These figures concern Tehran, while in the provinces, figures were much lower.
This was a brief account of the fabric of the Workers' Sector and its formation. I conclude my talk and leave the question of the hypocrites' acts in factories to our brothers.